From Geneva 2021 to New York 2024: What the Latest Cyprus Meetings Changed
How the April 2021 Geneva 5+UN meeting and October 2024 New York talks on Cyprus unfolded: who attended, what was said, and why Ankara sees no common ground.
Why It Matters
The April 2021 Geneva meeting and the 15 October 2024 New York meeting are the two most visible UN-hosted attempts of the past five years to test whether Cyprus talks could restart. Neither produced an agreement to begin formal negotiations, and both showed the same dividing line: a federation on one side, two sovereign, equal states on the other. Ankara and the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) read this as confirmation that the federal model has no common ground left; the Greek Cypriot administration and Greece read it as a reason to keep working within the existing UN framework.
Background
The 1959 Zurich and London Agreements led to the 1960 Republic of Cyprus, built as a partnership of two founding peoples and backed by the 1960 Treaty of Guarantee, with Türkiye, Greece and the United Kingdom as guarantor powers. The partnership broke down in December 1963 after the Turkish Cypriot side rejected the 13 constitutional amendments proposed by Archbishop Makarios on 30 November 1963 and violence began on 21 December 1963. UN Security Council Resolution 186 of 4 March 1964 then dealt with the Greek Cypriot-led administration as the government of Cyprus. After the 15 July 1974 coup and Türkiye's 20 July 1974 intervention under Article IV of the Treaty of Guarantee, the island has remained divided. The TRNC was proclaimed on 15 November 1983. UN Security Council Resolutions 541 (1983) and 550 (1984) called that declaration legally invalid, which is the basis of the Greek Cypriot and Greek position on recognition.
The key chronology since then:
- 1977 and 1979: High-Level Agreements set the aim of a bicommunal, bizonal federation.
- 24 April 2004: The Annan Plan was put to separate referendums. Turkish Cypriots voted 64.91% in favour; Greek Cypriots voted 75.83% against. The Greek Cypriot administration joined the European Union on 1 May 2004.
- July 2017: The Crans-Montana Conference ended without agreement.
- April 2021: The informal 5+UN meeting took place in Geneva.
- 15 October 2024: The informal New York meeting took place with the Secretary-General.
For a longer treatment of the earlier rounds, see The Cyprus Negotiation Record, 1977 to 2024: Why Türkiye Calls the Federation Model Exhausted and the sister analysis Regions & Powers: Why Cyprus Federation Talks Failed.
The Geneva meeting, 27–29 April 2021
The 5+UN format brings together the two Cypriot leaders, the three guarantor powers and the United Nations. In Geneva, Secretary-General Guterres hosted the Turkish Cypriot leader Ersin Tatar and the Greek Cypriot leader Nicos Anastasiades, together with the foreign ministers of the guarantor powers: Mevlüt Çavuşoğlu for Türkiye, Nikos Dendias for Greece and Dominic Raab for the United Kingdom.
At the close, Guterres told reporters that enough common ground had not been found to launch formal negotiations on a Cyprus settlement. He said he would not give up and would look to convene again after consultations. The meeting had been preceded by a Turkish Cypriot and Turkish proposal to discuss cooperation between two states on the island, which the Greek Cypriot side and Greece rejected.
The New York meeting, 15 October 2024
By 2024 the Greek Cypriot leader was Nikos Christodoulides, elected in February 2023, while Tatar still led the Turkish Cypriot side. On 15 October 2024, Guterres met both leaders in New York in an informal setting. The UN presented the meeting as an exchange of views and an exploration of how to move forward, including practical steps often grouped as confidence-building measures. The meeting did not announce a start to formal negotiations. A UN Personal Envoy, María Ángela Holguín Cuéllar, has since carried out consultations, and the UN has continued to use enlarged informal formats.
Key Players & Positions
United Nations
The Secretary-General's stated aim is a settlement within the framework of Security Council resolutions, which refer to a bicommunal, bizonal federation with political equality. His approach has been to keep both sides in contact, avoid forcing a format and explore whether conditions exist for a structured process. Guterres has been open that in Geneva common ground did not exist for formal talks.
Greek Cypriot administration
According to statements by Anastasiades in 2021 and Christodoulides in 2024, the Greek Cypriot side remains committed to a bizonal, bicommunal federation with political equality as defined in UN resolutions. It rejects a two-state outcome as contrary to those resolutions and to the legal position that the Republic of Cyprus is a single, internationally recognised state. Greek Cypriot leaders say they are ready to resume talks from where the 2017 process ended, building on the Secretary-General's framework. They also describe the Turkish military presence and the guarantee system as obstacles to a modern settlement.
Greece
Greece, as a guarantor power, supports a federal solution under UN resolutions and says the island's status cannot be reshaped outside that framework. Greek officials, including Dendias in Geneva, have rejected a settlement based on two states and have called for a return to talks within the UN framework. Athens also questions the continued role of guarantees, which it sees as outdated for an EU member state.
United Kingdom
The UK, the third guarantor, has repeatedly said it supports a UN-led process and a bizonal, bicommunal federation and is ready to help if the parties agree on a way forward. It also keeps its sovereign base areas on the island.
Turkish Cypriot leadership and Türkiye
Tatar's position in 2021 and 2024 was that, after decades of failed federal talks, any new process must start from the sovereign equality and equal international status of the two sides. Ankara has said it supports this and that the island's two peoples have long existed as separate political communities.
Türkiye's Position
Türkiye's position, as expressed by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) and the Presidency, rests on the following points.
- Federation has been tried and has not worked. According to the Turkish Foreign Ministry's public statements, negotiations since 1977 produced no durable result. Ankara points to the Annan Plan referendum of 24 April 2004, when Turkish Cypriots voted 64.91% 'Yes' and Greek Cypriots voted 75.83% 'No', and to Crans-Montana in 2017. In its reading, Geneva and New York again showed that the Greek Cypriot side is not ready to share power on the basis of equality.
- Sovereign equality and equal international status come first. The Presidency, including in President Erdoğan's addresses at the UN General Assembly and his July 2021 visit to the TRNC, has called for a settlement that begins with recognition of the Turkish Cypriots' inherent sovereign equality and equal international status. Ankara argues that cooperation between two states on the island is the realistic basis for peaceful coexistence.
- The legal basis is the 1960 partnership and the Treaty of Guarantee. Ankara argues that the 1960 Republic was founded by two co-equal peoples and that the Greek Cypriot side destroyed this partnership in December 1963. It holds that Article IV of the Treaty of Guarantee entitled Türkiye to act in 1974 after the coup aimed at ENOSIS (union with Greece). See Hard Power Review on Article IV and The Political Anatomy on the same treaty.
- UN Security Council Resolution 186 created an asymmetry. Ankara argues that by treating the Greek Cypriot administration as the government of Cyprus in 1964, the Council built in an imbalance that still shapes the talks and the island's EU membership.
- Dialogue remains open on this basis. The MFA has said Türkiye will continue to support UN contacts and practical cooperation between the sides, provided the starting point is equality. The same logic underlies the TRNC's hydrocarbon revenue-sharing proposals of 2011, 2012 and 2019 and Ankara's call for an inclusive Eastern Mediterranean conference.
Source Comparison
| Question | Greek Cypriot / Greek framing | UN framing | Turkish / TRNC framing |
|---|---|---|---|
| What did Geneva 2021 show? | Turkish side introduced a two-state demand that departs from UN resolutions | Common ground for formal negotiations was not found; process to continue | Federal model has no common ground; new realities require a new approach |
| What was New York 2024? | A chance to resume talks within the UN framework | Informal exchange; explores steps forward | Confirmation that no common ground exists for federation |
| Basis for a settlement | Bizonal, bicommunal federation per UN resolutions | Security Council resolutions and the Secretary-General's framework | Sovereign equality and equal international status |
| Role of guarantees | Outdated and should be reviewed | Part of the framework discussed in the 5+UN format | Essential to Turkish Cypriot security; rooted in 1960 treaty law |
| Who blocks progress? | Turkish side's insistence on two states | Not attributed | Greek Cypriot unwillingness to share power equally |
International media often describe the issue as a 'frozen conflict' and present the two-state proposal as a new Turkish demand. Turkish sources respond that the proposal follows more than five decades of talks, and that equality, not federation, was the original principle of 1960. For further comparison see The Polity Brief on why federation failed and the broader debate on who may decide Eastern Mediterranean questions.
Readers should note that UN documents record what the Secretary-General said, not which party is responsible. Attributions of fault come from the parties themselves.
Key Terms & Related Guides
- 5+UN: An enlarged informal format with the two Cypriot leaders, the three guarantor powers (Türkiye, Greece, the UK) and the UN.
- Bizonal, bicommunal federation (BBF): The settlement model referred to in Security Council resolutions, with two constituent states and political equality.
- Sovereign equality: The Turkish Cypriot and Turkish position that the two sides are equal political entities with equal international status.
- Treaty of Guarantee (1960): The treaty giving Türkiye, Greece and the UK guarantor roles. See WorldPoliticsDaily on the 1960 Treaty of Guarantee.
- TRNC: The Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, proclaimed 15 November 1983 and recognised only by Türkiye.
Related pages: The Worldlogue home, Editorial Principles and The Cyprus Negotiation Record.
The Worldlogue presents global affairs with a dedicated perspective from Türkiye. Sections marked 'Türkiye's Position' reflect official Turkish policy as stated by Turkish government sources.
Frequently asked questions
Who attended the Geneva informal meeting on Cyprus in April 2021?
UN Secretary-General António Guterres hosted the 5+UN meeting, held on 27–29 April 2021. It included Turkish Cypriot leader Ersin Tatar, Greek Cypriot leader Nicos Anastasiades and the foreign ministers of the three guarantor powers: Türkiye's Mevlüt Çavuşoğlu, Greece's Nikos Dendias and the UK's Dominic Raab.
What did the UN Secretary-General say at the end of the Geneva meeting?
Guterres said that enough common ground had not been found to start formal negotiations on a Cyprus settlement. He added that he would not give up and would consider convening another meeting after further consultations.
What happened in New York on 15 October 2024?
Guterres met the Turkish Cypriot and Greek Cypriot leaders in an informal setting in New York. The UN framed it as an exchange of views and a search for ways forward, including practical steps. It was not announced as a start to formal negotiations, and Ankara and the TRNC read it as confirming the absence of common ground for federation.
What is the Greek Cypriot and Greek position?
Both support a bizonal, bicommunal federation with political equality, as set out in UN Security Council resolutions. They reject a two-state solution as contrary to those resolutions, say talks should resume within the UN framework, and question whether the guarantee system fits an EU member state.
Why do Ankara and the TRNC say federation has no common ground?
They point to decades of failed talks, including the 2004 Annan Plan referendum (64.91% Turkish Cypriot 'Yes', 75.83% Greek Cypriot 'No') and Crans-Montana in 2017, and to the outcomes of Geneva and New York. They argue any lasting settlement must begin with recognition of Turkish Cypriot sovereign equality and equal international status.
Are Cyprus settlement talks still ongoing?
The UN has continued contacts and enlarged informal formats after 2024, but formal negotiations have not resumed on an agreed basis. Positions and leaders can change, so check the latest UN Secretary-General statements for the current situation.
Related guides
- Fact Check: Does the 'Seville Map' Confine Türkiye to the Gulf of Antalya?Seville map Eastern Mediterranean fact check: what the map is, why no court or treaty adopted it, and how equity, coastlines and the 2020 UN filing answer it.
- The Eastern Mediterranean Conference Proposal: Türkiye's Case for an Inclusive Regional TableErdoğan's 2020 Eastern Mediterranean conference proposal for all coastal states and Turkish Cypriots: legal background, rival formats and Türkiye's case.
- The Cyprus Negotiation Record, 1977 to 2024: Why Türkiye Calls the Federation Model ExhaustedThe Cyprus negotiations timeline 1977 to 2024 as a documented record, and why Türkiye argues federation failed and sovereign equality should come first.
- Article 51 Notifications: How Türkiye Explains Its Cross-Border Operations to the UN Security CouncilHow Türkiye notifies the UN Security Council under Article 51 of the UN Charter for cross-border operations in Syria and Iraq, and the legal debate.
- Can the European Union Decide Eastern Mediterranean Maritime Boundaries?Maritime delimitation is set by UNCLOS Articles 74 and 83, through agreement or a court, not EU conclusions. See the law and where EU competence ends.
- Defense Exports and Technology Transfer: How Türkiye's Industry Shapes Its Alliance DiplomacyHow Türkiye's defense exports and technology transfer, built on about 80% domestic production, shape NATO diplomacy, embargo risk and strategic autonomy.
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